The former US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was regarded as among the most powerful occupants of the vice-presidency in US history. Whereas numerous VPs had to settle for marginal or symbolic positions, Cheney held substantial power during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly described as the "actual president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and stated the connection was more complex. He observed that Cheney was deferential, consistently referring to him in public settings as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their association as a team because it implied that they were peers. Despite these denials, Cheney found the laidback president malleable on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
A Aftermath of 9/11
At the head of a group of neo-conservatives that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, ordering the destruction of any non-communicating airplanes nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the attacks changed him, leading him to become intent on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Controversial Actions
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the enhanced interrogation of individuals captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on misleading intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do at that time. I had faith back then and I believe it today."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I observed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, inaction, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, falsehoods, incompetence, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had drafted a memo detailing situations in which national priorities might be threatened (including "access to crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be postured to operate alone when collective action prove impossible," specifically citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the presidency somewhat determined on executing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of reducing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed military action against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a scheme to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his father's face that each person had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous supporting attacking Iraq, frequently referencing information documents that were either weak or entirely inaccurate. He supported what the Bush White House indirectly described as "intensive questioning", the application of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that found that no useful information had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the report as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and create programmes to catch the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in labels given to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the shadows that operates invisibly emerge from his lair? It's a nice way to function, in fact."
Business Interests
Dispute over his business interests accompanied him during his tenure as VP. Although he had limited background in business but established relationships in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the White House. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US deals totaling substantial sums.
It made him rich. His yearly earnings during his period at the firm rose from his previous salary while Pentagon chief to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package worth over $20m|twenty
